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Unpublished Munif Interview: Crisis in the Arab World – Oil,
Political Islam, and Dictatorship
By
Iskandar Habash
This
interview was conducted by the author with Abd al-Rahman Munif
for the French magazine, L'Orient Express in 1999. Due to
its length, a shortened text appeared in the French magazine.
Following the death of Abd al-Rahman Munif in late January
2004, the Lebanese daily As Safir republished the full Arabic
text of the interview for the first time. The English version
(translated by Elie Chalala) appears exclusively in Al Jadid,
Vol. 9, no. 45.
Habash:
Those who are familiar with
your life note that you started studying economics, and that
you received a doctorate in the economics of oil before you
moved to literature. How did you come to the novel from “oil”?
Munif:
My great gamble was in politics, but after I
experimented with political activism, it became apparent that
the available political methods were insufficient and unsatisfactory.
As a result, I started the search for a formula to connect
with others and to express their concerns and the concerns
of the historical period and the generation. Given my hobby
of reading, especially the novel, I thought that my reading
and command of expression would enable me to substitute one
tool with another. Instead of the political party or direct
political action, it was possible for the novel to be a means
of expression. This is why I came to the novel. As for economics,
especially that of oil, it was useful background for reading
societies, mainly the powerful ones, at this current stage.
Thus, economics and other sciences could assist the novelist
in reading and understanding the factors that shape society.
This places the novelist in a better position as far as his
narrative tools are concerned.
Between
Literature and Politics
Habash:
Why did you find the political
means non-democratic? Are you not also concerned that the
novel would develop into a political more than a literary
discourse?
Munif:
Concerning the first question, we as a generation
can possibly be called a transitional generation; we were
burdened with an immense load of dreams and desires for change
and at the same time a group of political parties presented
themselves as a vehicle to bring about change. But, in fact,
our dreams were greater than our resources. The political
parties which existed, and whose remnants still exist to date,
were too weak and not able to instigate the process of change.
They were primitive in their ideas and means. They were not
connected with the movement within society, and subsequently
what they presented were mere slogans rather than political
programs. When these parties faced the real test, their weaknesses
and failures became apparent, and this explains their decline,
as well as that of the individual. This individual had a sort
of dream to become a part of the movement of history, only
to discover that these parties are not the appropriate medium
for this mission.
| “Oil
joined and embraced political Islam, providing it with
the much needed power, and what we witnessed in Afghanistan
offers the most important example. At the same time, oil
enabled dictatorial regimes to continue practicing the
cruelest forms of repression.” |
As
far as the second question, it is natural that instead of
the novelist being disappointed outside the political party,
he will move toward society through a political vision. But
with the passage of time and increased experiments, he discovers
society to be richer and more diverse than the political discourse.
Thus the novel evolves into reading society and giving expression
to its concerns and dreams, and becomes more than mere political
discourse. As you indicated in the previous question, other
sciences like history, economics, and sociology facilitate
the reading of the movement of society and its conflicts,
both collectively and individually, and this is what the novel
attempts to express constantly through general and diverse
writing.
Habash:
Whoever reads your novels no doubt will discover
something constant–that is the image of the tormented intellectual.
Why? What do you suggest the role of the intellectual in the
Third World be today?
Munif:
In the beginning of the 20th century and before
political parties were formed, there was a presupposed role
of the intellectual, whether intellectuals acted on their
own or had the role delegated to them by society. Thus the
Arab renaissance at the end of the 19th century and the onset
of the 20th can be considered as a movement of intellectuals
in the first degree. We can cite in this context a large number
of intellectuals who express this phenomenon.
At
a relatively later time, political movements represented by
parties and social forces appeared and found it necessary
to have their intellectual voices expressing their concern,
just as had been the case for the tribe and its poet. In another
period, when these parties became ideological, if we can use
that expression, they started to demand that their intellectuals
become political advocates involved in political mobilization
and incitement. When these political parties retreated, they
rationalized their failure by the failure of the intellectuals
and their inability to perform the necessary and enlightening
role. At the same time, the intellectuals assumed that it
was possible that they could become a substitute for the political
party; thus, there was, from a very early period, confusion
about the position of the intellectuals and their role and
relationship with the political party. In my first novels,
I attempted to portray the breakdown and defeat of the intellectual.
In a subsequent period, I discovered that the intellectual
is not everything in the novel and life. Life is richer and
broader than this category, for even if the role of the intellectual
retreated before other sectors in society, such a role resembles
a multi-dimensional mirror; even if one or two sides go dark,
the intellectual is still able to see the concerns of the
period and its possibilities through the remaining parts.
As
for the present role of the intellectual in the Third World
, undoubtedly this is an important question that needs to
be discussed carefully. I am convinced that the intellectual
is a fundamental partner in the process of change and enlightenment,
and while he must have a critical position, he should abandon
the position of incitement or propaganda, and instead should
engage in a broad dialogue–whether with himself and his ideas
or with the ideas of others–in order to define the proper
strategies. In other words, the intellectual can neither be
a substitute for the political party nor its mouthpiece. Henceforth,
he must have a critical position, a different one, but this
requires a democratic principle and a plurality of viewpoints
and opinions.
As
far as the exact definition of the place, this doesn’t
mean much to me for one major reason–the difference
between one place and another is relative, marginal,
and insignificant. If, for example, we discuss the political
prison in a confined place such as Iraq or Saudi Arabia,
it seems as if I am exonerating other places or as if
the political prison does not exist in these places,
especially when we know the political prison exists
from the Atlantic to the Gulf to be exact, whether in
terms of its environment, means, or concerns. |
Habash:
You mention in the dedication to your novel
“When We Left the Bridge,” “The memory of many failures past
and others that are on the way.” That was in the beginning
of 1976. Today, after more than 20 years, do you still have
this position? What has changed?
Munif:
I said that the “seven drought years” were
still going on and would continue until the end of the century
(20th) or even afterwards. It is possible that there will
be major shocks, especially in stagnant societies, such as
Saudi Arabia or the like. Civil wars are likely to be a feature
of this next era. Poverty will increase and there could be
starvation revolts, as happened in the 1970s and 1980s. Political
conflict will continue, although in my estimation, the fundamentalist
trend has already reached its peak and is bound to retreat.
The major problem is that there are no alternatives, no forces
or programs that could comprehend today's situation and rationalize
it and give it a positive dimension. This means we will continue
to see confusion and search for the form of relationships
in society which could pave the way for the establishment
of civil society and the beginning of pluralist democracy.
Habash:
You wrote “The Eastern Mediterranean”
in the 70s, wherein you dealt with a wide range of issues
to which you returned in the early 90s in the novel, “Now
Here, or the Eastern Mediterranean One More Time.” Why this
return? Do you think you will re-examine this issue in a new
novel?
Munif:
When I wrote “The Eastern Mediterranean” I hadn't
published any other novel, thus I was my own censor, a role
that prevented me from saying everything in the first novel
and subsequently led me to write the second one “Now Here…”
in order to settle my scores with the political prison. “Cities
of Salt,” for example, covers a period of history of the region,
a phase extending to the changes in oil prices, which ushered
in a new phase that someone else could cover. But on the whole,
there are many issues, whether political, social, or human,
which form important material for novel writing. Now I am
in the midst of another novel, but I do not rule out that
in the future; if necessary, I could go back to the “Cities
of Salt,” although I empathize with the people whose time
limitations prevent them from reading new parts of the same
novel. Though the author can follow a different approach by
focusing on the essence and the tensions caused by the dominance
of oil, it remains difficult to return to “Cities of Salt”
one more time.
Habash:
Do you still think that our real problem lies
in oil?
Munif:
Our crisis is a trilogy: oil, political Islam,
and dictatorship. This trilogy is the factor that led to the
collapse, confusion, and consequently to the suffering lived
by Arab societies in their search for the road to modernity.
Oil joined and embraced political Islam, providing it with
the much needed power, and what we witnessed in Afghanistan
offers the most important example. At the same time, oil enabled
dictatorial regimes to continue practicing the cruelest forms
of repression. The increase in oil and wealth coincided with
an increase in reaction and dictatorship which spread throughout
the region, mainly due to the inability of other political
forces to stand up to the challenges.
Habash
: Place is nowhere to be found in your
novels, and to be exact, it remains ambiguous. What explains
this ambiguity?
Munif:
As far as the exact definition of the place,
this doesn't mean much to me for one major reason–the difference
between one place and another is relative, marginal, and insignificant.
If, for example, we discuss the political prison in a confined
place such as Iraq or Saudi Arabia, it seems as if I am exonerating
other places or as if the political prison does not exist
in these places, especially when we know the political prison
exists from the Atlantic to the Gulf to be exact, whether
in terms of its environment, means, or concerns. Thus, I consider
the generalization of this subject is the ultimate specificity
because everyone is responsible and everyone suffers from
the same problem. This is a special reading of society influenced
by the nature of my life and movements, an experience that
had given me a clear idea about the nature of these societies,
the common denominator which unites them, and which in turn
led me to discover no essential difference between one place
and another, especially in the negative aspect of it.
Habash:
What about Beirut : does it not constitute
a difference from this dominant society?
Munif:
Perhaps reading the civil war, which lasted
from 1975 to the early 1990s, offers the true meaning of the
level of modernization this society reached and its relationship
with time. In other words, excluding the external shell layer,
Lebanon also remained a hotbed of backwardness and divisions
which are related to old and primitive societies. Perhaps
there is a difference in form and appearance between one place
and another, but the Bedouin oil blessing, which at one time
was confined to the desert, had moved to all Arab cities and
it had become the force defining not only politics but culture,
ways of life, and the human concerns in this region.
| “...the
intellectual can neither be a substitute for the political
party nor its mouthpiece. Henceforth, he must have a critical
position, a different one, but this requires a democratic
principle and a plurality of viewpoints and opinions.”
|
Cities
and Features of Life
Habash:
In your book about Amman ,
you seem predisposed toward writing the “autobiography of
a city,” but this story is discussed within a particular history,
from the 1940s until the Palestinian migration. Why this autobiography?
Why did you frame the discussion within this history? Do you
find Palestinian migration to Amman a reason for its economic
and architectural birth?
Habash:
It is a multi-dimensional question. First,
I do not find much writing about cities in our modern literature,
and much of the life features associated with these cities
would start to disappear unless documented through means which
could keep them alive in memory. My writing the autobiography
of the city aims at urging many authors to write about two
important things: cities and childhoods.
Habash:
To what extent does autobiography play a role
in your novels?
Munif:
It is possible to distinguish between two things:
the novel and other writings. In the novel, there is a role
or impact, albeit a small one. But as far as the subject of
the novel, its characters, and life story, I am convinced
that every author has some of himself in what he writes, and
this is distributed in varying degrees and forms among the
characters. The character of the intellectual in some of the
novels, for example, does not necessarily mean the life story
of the writer. Just the opposite – there are certain characters
where the author aims at criticizing them. Certain uneducated
characters, according to common definitions, could represent
in part some of the author's life story. The level of fiction
in the novel is abounding and so the level of desires and
dreams. I believe, however, autobiography can be a basic obstacle
in novel writing. As far as other writings are concerned,
and precisely “ Sirat Madina ” (The Autobiography
of a City), “Urwat al-Zamman al-Bahi” (The Bond
of the Beautiful Time), and to a lesser extent, “Rahlat
al-Fan wa al-Hayat” (The Journey of Art and Life) on
Marwan Qassab Bashi, were documentation of a certain period,
precisely defined through places and names which point at
issues of relationship to the journey of the author and his
human relations and political direction. I said once that
if an author decided to rely on autobiography in his writing,
it is possible to write only one novel, but it can be an important
and exciting one, given the intimacy that characterizes autobiography.
Habash:
What about your writing on
Marwan Qassab Bashi (a Syrian artist)?
Munif:
There is more than one reason: First, I like
fine art and thus it is natural to share this appreciation
with the public. Second, there are precedents of authors and
poets who “read” and wrote about the works of artists. Third,
there is a rupture between the arts, especially in the Arab
world, where each art grows separately from the others, a
condition that weakens art in general. However, at a time
when the novel is becoming capable of building bridges between
these arts, offering insight into each other, the novelist
is establishing relationships with the novel as well as with
theater and film.
This interview
is adapted from a slightly longer Arabic version, which appeared
in the Cultural Section of the Lebanese daily As Safir. The
translation is by permission.
This
interview appears in Al Jadid, Vol. 9, no. 45.
Translated
from the Arabic by Elie Chalala.
Translation
Copyright © by Al Jadid (2003)
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