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Reports
Edward Said Speaks
Out Before and After 9-11:
Muffling
the Arab Voice
By Judith
Gabriel
With
the one-year anniversary of September 11 approaching, and
as recurring “terrorism alerts” continue to fuel
waves of panic and paranoia, the American public remains overwhelmingly
mute about violations of civil rights perpetrated against
Arabs and Muslims in the U.S. It is an old silence, one which
has allowed the demonizing of Arabs to become woven into all
aspects of the political and cultural fabric.
In
these cautious times, Edward Said is one of the few speaking
out about the situation, elegantly tracing the long, tawdry
history of anti-Arab animosity. Said’s vantage point
is tandem: first, as a cultural historian, and secondly, as
someone who belongs to both sides of the discussion –
he’s a Palestinian-Arab as well as an American. Born
in Jerusalem in 1935, he moved to Cairo with his family in
1947 and then came to the United States in 1951, experiencing
the discomforts of being a member of an often marginalized
and demonized ethnic minority. It got worse after 9-11.
“I’ve
been living here for 50 years, and I’ve never felt quite
as alienated,” he told a crowd gathered at Chapman University
in Orange, California. “American prejudice against Muslims
and Arabs was one of the few culturally sanctioned forms of
bigotry before September 11, and that has made the situation
after the towers fell that much more dangerous.” This
alienation is the common lot of those who share Said’s
hyphenated identity. “I don’t know a single Arab
or Muslim American who does not now feel that he or she belongs
to the enemy camp, and that being in the United States at
this moment provides us with an especially unpleasant experience
of alienation and widespread, quite specifically targeted,
hostility. For despite the occasional official statements
saying that Islam and Muslims and Arabs are not enemies of
the United States, everything else about the current situation
argues the exact opposite. Hundreds of young Arab and Muslim
men have been picked up for questioning, and in far too many
cases detained by the police or the FBI because of their ethnic
profile. Anyone with an Arab or Muslim name is usually made
to stand aside for special attention during airport security
checks. There have been many reported instances of discriminatory
behavior against Arabs, so that speaking Arabic, or even reading
an Arabic document in public, is likely to draw unwanted attention.”
Appearing
at Chapman University to deliver the Delp-Wilkinson Peace
Lecture in late February, Said noted that in the wake of 9-11
the media, long blamed as culprits in the demonization of
Arabs in the United States, has continued to feed the xenophobic
frenzy, presenting “far too many experts and commentators
on terrorism, Islam and the Arabs, whose endlessly repetitious
and reductive line is so hostile and so misrepresents our
history, society, and culture, that the media itself has become
little more than an arm of the war on terrorism in Afghanistan
and elsewhere.” These more recent media images only
compound the long-existing practice that Said calls part of
“an unremitting cultural war against the Arabs who are
principally, if not exclusively, known as camel jockeys, desert
warriors, or murderous terrorists.”
Moreover,
there is virtually nothing to counter the negative images.
“The build-up against Iraq continues, and Israel prolongs
its collective punishment of the Palestinian people, all with
what seems like great public approval in the United States.
In such a setting, therefore, it’s not surprising that
there exists no available cultural narrative of the Arabs
as a people, whereas this blocked human presence is in fact
represented by a whole arsenal of negative anti-human and
anti-narrative stereotypes, which associates the Arabs with
unpleasant and unpalatable things.”
Although
Arab Americans have been able to achieve some success in educating
the public, such as “sensitizing people to the coarseness
of equating the word ‘Arab’ with vagrancy, as
Webster’s dictionary did, or of openly blaming Arabs
and Muslims for global violence and human degradation decades
before 9-11,” there still exists a vast lacuna in American
cultural resources when it comes to any nuanced discourse
on Arabs. Said finds it regrettable “that there is no
massive literature, no fund of popular knowledge, no mobilizable
discursive means to bring in as an antidote to writings about
the Arab.” Thus, there are no “ready examples
at hand for circulation that specify positive contributions
of the Arabs to science, to world literature, to even so modest
a thing as popular wisdom. These may exist in libraries, but
the images, the values, and the knowledge they represent don’t
circulate. There’s a prohibition against narrating the
Arab story, as it were, which in the U.S. has been equated
– not with a complex history of an entire people, but
only with being opposed to Israel. That’s what the Arabs,
in the end, are
mostly known for.”
Besides
the negative stereotypes, Americans have little source material
to help them develop any understanding of the Arab past and
present. “For we Arabs who live in the West, it’s
the source of acute frustration that none of the achievements
of our tradition and our culture are known or recognized or
admitted; that there are no cultural institutions of consequence
that are dedicated to advancing appreciation and knowledge
of the Arabs in the United States.” Pointing to Albert
Hourani’s “History of the Arab Peoples”
as the sole exception, Said protested that “The Arabs
are not known as the authors of their own cultural works,
and indeed, it’s considered a dangerous thing to get
an Arab man or woman to write in his or her own voice. When
the occasional novel or poem is translated, it is either immediately
relegated to marginality as minor ethnic literature, or much
more likely, it’s simply ignored. … In a relationship
as peculiarly skewed and unequal as that between the Arabs
and the U.S., no one can long entertain the illusion that
there is free and open criticism, or that the right to say
anything is available for Arabs in the U.S. It is much more,
much more difficult to say anything positive about the Arabs
than it is to attack them or say something that dovetails
with the prevailing views.”
As
an example, Said pointed to an interview with novelist Norman
Mailer that appeared in May 1991 in Esquire Magazine, in which
Mailer described Arabs as having had “2,000 years of
living in the desert fighting over nothing very tangible until
oil wells came along very recently. They have learned to negotiate
and trick and play and maneuver and distort realities in such
a way that we are encountering a mind, geopolitically speaking,
that is
more evil than any mind we have encountered before.”
Where, Said asked, did Mailer get this description? Nothing
in Mailer’s writing “suggests any familiarity
with, much less any real knowledge of the Arabs, their history,
or civilization. As a semi-crazed construction left over from
the propaganda of the Gulf War, it has some plausibility.
But where did he get it? It comes, I believe, from a demonized
geography in which the sand people – the Arabs –
roam as the permanent opposite of and threat to everything
that we hold important.”
Arab
writers have been treated shabbily in the U.S., according
to Said, who recounted that when The New York Times announced
that Egyptian novelist Naguib Mahfouz had won the Nobel Prize
for literature, the article carried a quotation from the Israeli
Consul in New York, “as if to say the readers of the
New York Times want to know if Israel finds this award in
any way objectionable or threatening.” During the Gulf
War, the same newspaper ran a full page bibliography for its
readers who might want to read further about Iraq. “Not
a single book on the very extensive list was written by an
Arab, or in fact dealt with anything about modern Iraq after
Sumer and the Chaldeans.” In another example, Said told
how a major U.S. publisher who wanted to publish third world
novels
rejected Said’s recommendation of Naguib Mahfouz (before
he won the Nobel Prize) saying that they couldn’t touch
the Egyptian novelist “because ‘he writes in Arabic
and Arabic ... is a controversial language.’ ”
POWER
DISPARITY
Turning
to the Arab world, which has its own informational shortcomings,
such as the lack of any academic institution devoted solely
to the critical study of the West or the United States, Said
reported that, nonetheless, the level of popular awareness
is high; the U.S. is the most widely portrayed of all foreign
societies in the media. American films, television programs,
consumer goods, and magazines exist in profusion throughout
the Arab world. “In contrast, hardly any Arab fiction
or cultural analysis is devoted to the United States. And
if it is, virtually none of it is read in the United States,
or has any effect at all, say in New York or Los Angeles,
except among expatriate groups. There is, thus, even in culture,
an almost absolute disparity in power, and it is this disparity
that characterizes the relationship between the Arabs and
the U.S., which results on the one hand in a bitterness and
dependency leading to Islamism or fundamentalism in some cases,
and on the other, on the American side, in triumphalism and
ignorance that are extremely depressing, especially after
September 11.”
“I’m
not saying that Arabs are innocent,” Said said. “Nor
am I saying that the fault is entirely the United States.
... There is no monolithic U.S., just as there is no monolithic
Arab world or Islam – which has now been compressed
into one rather narrow and unforgiving all-purpose formula
signifying terrorism, fundamentalism, and fanaticism.”
Said lamented the “unfortunate triumph of all these
idiotic, super-real, and atrophied labels, in which in the
Arab world, the U.S. has become shorthand for all our ills,
and in the United States the Arabs have become a universal
symbol of violence and intransigence and anti-Americanism.
The result promises to be unending conflict.”
This
report appeared in Al Jadid Magazine, Vol. 8, No. 39 ( Spring
2002)
Copyright 2002 © by Al Jadid
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